Is releasing the hostages up to Hamas or the Israeli government?

By Yaakov Katz (Jerusalem Post)In Israel, there are a number of sacrificial cows. Or at least there used to be. One was the IDF, the other was fallen soldiers, and of course, also, hostages. This column is going to go out on a limb and try to break down one of those – the campaign to free the hostages.

On Sunday, Israelis took to the streets for a cause that could not be more just and legitimate, calling for the immediate release of the 50 hostages, 20 of whom are believed to still be alive, being held by Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

It is the most just of causes for one simple reason: there are people in Gaza being held against their will who were abducted from their homes, their military bases, and a dance party almost two years ago.

They were abandoned then, and they have been abandoned for the last two years, since when it comes to hostages, it really is a zero-sum game – either a person is in captivity or they are free. No matter how much effort, there is only one acceptable outcome – that they be brought home.

Demonstrators protest for the release of Israelis held hostage in the Gaza Strip, outside the IDF Kirya Military HeadquartersBase in Tel Aviv, July 2, 2025. (credit: ERIK MARMOR/FLASH90)

None of this takes away from the real questions that need to be asked about the campaign to free the hostages and the slogan, in particular, that was selected. Just a few weeks ago, a senior US official who was visiting Israel asked me what the meaning of the slogan “Bring Them Home Now” was.

The official wondered why it wasn’t “Release Them Now.” He explained that “bring them home” sounds like it is directed at the Israeli government when, really, the call should be directed at Hamas, which should “release” the hostages immediately.

It was a good question, and one I have wrestled with since the start of this war. After the horrific loss of life on October 7 and the abduction of 251 people, the saddest development has been how quickly the hostage issue was politicized.

Where does the responsibility lie?

Even today, nearly two years into this war, tell me who you vote for, and I can probably guess where you stand on the hostages. Based on your political leaning, it is fairly easy to tell whether you believe that the release of the hostages should be prioritized ahead of conquering Gaza City – the current operational plan on the cabinet table – or the opposite.

(Personally, as I have written numerous times in the past, I believe that releasing the hostages should be priority number one, even at the cost of ending the war).

But there is no ignoring the fact that at protests and within the campaign, the issue is more than just about the hostages. It has also become a political campaign against the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who, while he should be held accountable for the events that led to October 7, there is room to question whether he is the sole address for the calls to release the hostages.

Take the number, for example, of religious Zionist Israelis involved in the hostage-release campaign or present at the rallies calling for them to be released. There is no hiding the fact that the number of kippot at the rallies is small, and multiple surveys throughout the war have shown that this sector consistently has a majority opposed to a hostage deal that will end the war.

While the general public supports such a deal, religious Zionists do not. One poll, taken by Besheva – a pro-Netanyahu media outlet – found in March that only 13% of religious Zionists support ending the war in exchange for all the hostages if it means that Hamas remains in Gaza.

A Channel 12 poll of the general public from last month, on the other hand, found that 74% of Israelis support ending the war in exchange for the release of the hostages.

On the surface, this is strange. The national religious – known as datiyim – serve in IDF combat units in disproportionate numbers and make up far more than their percentage in society in the number of casualties of this war and in command roles.

So why is it that when it comes to protests calling for a hostage release, they are not as prominent? They fight for the hostages on the battlefield, but they do not take to the Ayalon Highway in Tel Aviv in the same way.

Why is it that in the management of the Hostages and Missing Families Forum, several observant families refused to join, instead deciding to establish an alternative forum?

Part of the answer is in what this US official picked up on – from the outset, the campaign to release the hostages took on the contours of a political campaign to bring down Netanyahu.

Now, let me be clear: Netanyahu is the person responsible for the failures that led to October 7. He crafted the containment policy over a period of about 14 years and preferred paying off Hamas rather than actually fighting it.

The fact that he has refused to take responsibility or, at the very least, establish a commission of inquiry is shameful.

It is also true that this government, despite and probably because of its culpability in the failures that led to October 7, has held up possible hostage deals. National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir publicly admitted this a few months ago, saying that his personal political pressure on Netanyahu influenced the prime minister to torpedo a deal.

It is also true that “Bring Them Home” is aimed at Netanyahu and his government, and by doing so, it deflects the blame from Hamas and places it, instead, on Israel. The question is, why do that?

The reason is obvious: some people saw an opportunity to use the hostages as a political weapon against Netanyahu. This led to an almost knee-jerk reaction on the Right, which pushed back, not because it is somehow against the hostages but rather because it saw the campaign as an attack on the Right.

Does this mean the campaign is wrong? Not at all, but it is only partially accurate. Yes, pressure needs to be put on the Israeli government since they need to make the right decision, which is to release the hostages in a deal, but the onus should be on Hamas.

Not doing this has made it seem as if there is only one side to any future deal.

It makes it seem as if the only obstacle is Netanyahu, not the barbaric, murderous terrorist group that invaded Israel on October 7, murdering, raping, pillaging, and abducting innocent people.

It is not that campaigning against Netanyahu doesn’t have some sense to it. The Israeli people can make demands of Hamas, but they don’t have real leverage over it. They can, however, make demands of their own government and insist – especially when considering the failures and prioritization of political survival over previous hostage deals – that it does what is right.

Putting the onus on the Israeli government, though, alleviates some of the pressure from Hamas. If the Israeli people are demanding that their government do more, then who will European governments make demands of – Israel or the Palestinians? Sadly, the answer is obvious.

And while this government should be held accountable for what led to October 7, we should not forget who the real enemy is in all of this. It is Hamas – and it is Hamas that needs to be told something very simple: “Release Our People Now.”

The writer is a co-founder of the MEAD policy forum, co-author of While Israel Slept, about the October 7 attack, a senior fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute, and a former editor-in-chief of The Jerusalem Post.

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